In these elections it turned out that the participation was very high, 85 per cent and that the HPD passed the electoral threshold, banning the AKP, not only to increase the president’s power, but also to have parliamentary majority.
A year after protests GEZI and a year before parliamentary elections, Mr. Erdogan became president, which traditionally had been some ceremonial post. He wants to change the constitution to increase the powers it. Although the constitution provides that the president be above parties, Mr. Erdogan spent recent months going from edge to edge of the country, holding large rallies, urging voters to give power back to the AKP and opposition parties attacked, and thus regarded as unfair , unable or lavishly.
One of the volunteers of “Oy ve ötesi” told me that “his disregard the rules” that concerned him and why it turned out on the streets during protests in GEZI Park, facing for weeks with tear gas and sprajin with pepper. “No one should be on the links”, – she said.
Almost everything depended on if small Kurdish party, the Democratic People’s Party or HDP, will be unable to pass or not the threshold of 10 percent of the vote to enter parliament, a legacy of the Constitution outlined in 1980 by the military dictatorship.
In 2002, the AKP came to power dramatically by 2/3 of the members of Parliament, with about 1/3 of the votes, as the main rivals failed. Most allow it to govern alone, and started well, taking steps popular in the economy and politics. But after winning a third term in 2011, the magic was gone.
During the protests in GEZI Park I interviewed hundreds of participants. Although I was born just a few blocks away, what stunned me was not how strange it was to see a sea of protesters and political slogans that had covered one of the main squares of Istanbul, but how was it similar movements Other: spontaneous, organized digitally, disillusioned by traditional policies. Like many protesters with whom I have spoken over the world, activists GEZI expressed a strong demand for change, showing lack of trust in existing institutions, whether electoral, legal or other.
Park saved, but in the ensuing elections, the AKP has retained the main municipalities and z. Erdogan was elected president. Many of those with whom I have spoken during this period complained about how state resources were mobilized to assist the KPA.
But also managed many to conclude that, as corrupt apparently political process, its full dissolution will only worsen things. So fragile as representative democracy is made, there is still an alternative in terms of legitimacy. Street protests are a powerful expression of discontent, but may not have the same mandate to give votes.
So how can you change a system that is built to prevent them from trying to change? In Spain and Greece, street protests have turned into electoral coalitions. In Argentina, a generation of activists are vying for power, armed with digital platform that enables them to remain in contact with voters through assemblies online. And in Turkey arising from the way organizations are set up to fill the void left by common institutions: news reporting, election monitoring, investigating corruption.
Other monitors with whom I have spoken have told me similar stories: The worst thing that they saw was neglect, not manipulation.
But in these elections it turned out that the participation was very high, 85 per cent and that the HPD passed the electoral threshold, banning the AKP, not only to increase the president’s power, but also to have parliamentary majority.
A Turkish activists sent me an sms, in which he wrote: “We did change. See you at the next election. “
